Everything was going smoothly. Serbia, on
its knees, had just sold Milosevic to the International Criminal Tribune
for a fistful of dollars (most of which turned out to be earmarked to pay
debts going back to Tito's time). NATO was expanding eastwards toward a
powerless Russia. Saddam Hussein could be safely bombed whenever one felt
like it. Invaded by UCK, Macedonia was obliged to accept the farce of a
disarmament of that same UCK by the very ones who armed it in the first
place. The Palestinian territories were under tight control while their
leaders were assassinated by smart bombs. For the past few years, stockholders
had been making record profits. The political left had died out and all
political parties had rallied to neoliberalism and "humanitarian"
interventionism.
In short, as certain commentators put it, we
were living in peace.
Then suddenly shock, surprise, horror: the
greatest power of all times, the only truly universal empire struck in its
very heart, at the center of its wealth and power. A unique and all-powerful
electronic spying network, unparalleled security measures, a staggering
defense budget -- none of this was of any use in preventing the catastrophe.
Let us be perfectly clear. We do not share
the attitude expressed by Madeleine Albright when she was asked whether pursuing the embargo against
Iraq was worth the price of half a million Iraqi children who have died:
"this is a very hard choice, but we think the price is worth it",
she replied. The massacre of innocent civilians is never acceptable. But
this does not mean we should not try to understand the underlying meaning
of that incredible attack.
The American pacifist A. J. Muste once remarked
that the problem in every war was posed by the winning side: the victor
had learned that violence succeeded. The whole of postwar history
illustrates
the pertinence of that observation. In the United States, the War Department
was renamed Defense Department, precisely when there was no direct danger
threatening the country, and one
government after the other launched campaigns of military intervention and
political destabilisation in the guise of containing communism -- against
moderately nationalist governmentsuch as that of Goulart in Brazil, Mossadegh
in Iran or Arbenz in Guatemala. To limit ourselves to the present, let us
examine a few questions rarely raised concerning Western, especially American,
policy.
-
The
Kyoto protocol: the principal United States objection is not on scientific
grounds, but merely that "it is bad for our economy". What are
people who work 12 hours a day for slave wages to make of such a reaction?
-
The
Durban conference. The West rejects the slightest thought of reparations
for slavery and colonialism. But isn't it clear that the State of Israel
functions as a form of reparations for anti-Semitic persecutions, except
that in this case the price is paid by the Palestinian Arabs for the crimes
committed by Europeans? And isn't it obvious that this shift of responsibility
must be felt as a sort of racism by the victims of colonialism?
-
Macedonia: here is a country that the West pushed
into independence in order to weaken
Serbia and whose government has always faithfully followed Western orders.
As a result it has been subjected to attacks by terrorists armed by NATO
and coming from territory under NATO control. How does this look to Slavic Orthodox peoples, especially after the
expulsion, as NATO looks on, of the Serbian population of Kosovo and the
eradication of a large part of its cultural heritage?
Afghanistan: it is too quickly forgotten that Osama Bin Laden was trained
and armed by theAmericans, who openly admit that they were using Afghanistan
to destabilize the USSR even before the Soviet intervention. How many people
have died in the game that former President Carters adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, calls "the
great chessboard"? And how many terrorists, in Asia, in Central America,
in the Balkans, or in the Middle East, are left to run loose after having
been used by the "Free World"?
- Iraq: for ten years the population has been strangled by an embargo that
has caused hundreds of thousands of deaths -- of civilian victims. All because
Iraq tried to recover the oil wells that were de facto confiscated from
them by the British. Let us just compare the treatment given Israel for
its totally illegal occupation of territories conquered in 1967. Is it really
likely that the notion, generally accepted
in the West, that Saddam Hussein is to blame for everything, makes much
sense in the Arab-Muslim world?
By pure coincidence, the September 11 attacks
took place on the anniversary of the overthrow of Allende, which not only marked (a fact easily
forgotten) the installation of the first neoliberal government, that of General Pinochet, but also
the start of a broad movement against national and independent movements
in the Third World which was to lead those countries to bow to the dictates
of the IMF.
This is why we suspect that in Latin America,
in Indonesia, in Iran, in ruined and humiliated Russia, in China where nobody
is fooled by attempts to destabilize this emerging giant, as well as in
the Muslim world, the September 11 tragedy will cause people to shed little
more than crocodile tears.
Of course there will be shouts of indignation
and messages of sympathy. There will be applause for "firm responses"
when they occur (will they destroy a pharmaceutical plant in Sudan or bomb
the civilian population of an Arab country?). Large numbers of intellectuals
will be found to produce clever analyses full of false analogies connecting
these attacks to whatever it is they are against: Saddam Hussein, Kadhafi,
Western pacifists and anti-imperialists, the Palestinian liberation movement
or even China, Russia or North Korea. It will be repeated that such barbarism
is totally alien to us: after all, we prefer to bomb from high altitude
and kill gradually by means of embargos. But none of that will solve any basic problem. There is no use attacking
revolt itself. What must beattacked is the suffering that produces revolt.
Those attacks will have at least two negative political consequences.
For one, the American population, already disturbingly nationalist, will
"rally round the flag", as they put it, supporting their government
however barbaric its policy. Americans will be more than ever determined
to "protect our way of life" without asking the price to be paid
bythe rest of the planet. The timid movements of dissent that have emerged
since Seattle will be marginalized if not criminalized.
On the other hand, millions of people who
have been defeated, humiliated and crushed by the United States and the
world it dominates will be tempted to see terrorism as the only weapon really
capable of striking the Empire. This is why a truly political struggle --
not violence -- against the cultural, economic and above all military domination
by a small minority over the vast majority of humanity is more necessary
than ever before.
http://www.zmag.org/bricmontcalam.htm